In
November 2001, within the forum of the World Trade Organisation
(WTO), members of developing economies succeeded in having their
arguments accepted, in essence, that public health should take precedence
over WTO patent rules.
Thus came into being, the so-called Doha Declaration, which reaffirmed
the rights of governments to access the cheapest possible medicines,
without fear of trade sanctions, from stronger economies and corporate
entities (similar to that experienced by Brazil and South Africa
in recent times).
Recently,
the Oxfam organisation undertook a review of the US government
bilateral policies on patents and medicines, and the lobbying
efforts of US global drug manufacturers. It found that the number
of bilateral complaints made by the pharmaceutical companies to
the US government had not fallen, and significantly, the number
of complaints taken up by the US government had not fallen.
In other words, both parties are ignoring their obligations under
Doha.
This is against
a moral background of a world where 14 million people die each
year of preventable infectious diseases, and a world where new
infections are suddenly appearing in epidemic proportions (like
the recent SARS outbreak).
Also a world where 40 million people now live with HIV/AIDS.
The Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property
(TRIPS) which summarises WTO patent rules, is now accepted as
restricting the poor from gaining access to life saving medicines,
because of price.
This has not
prevented the US government from demanding even higher standards
of patent protection.
A special trade report, known as "Special 301" is regularly
published, and highlights those countries considered by the US
government as not having adequate intellectual property rights.
Countries that appear in this report are warned to improve or
have unilateral trade sanctions applied, and are accompanied with
associated diplomatic and political pressures.
It is a coordinated response which can only be viewed as bullying,
and yes, Australia does appear in this report through a submission
by the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA),
which claims members such as Pfizer, Novartis, and Glaxo Smith
Kiline Beecham.
The PhRMA
submission for Australia requests an Australian listing on "Special
301" citing issues under intellectual property protection
as the reason.
While it acknowledges that Australia has strong intellectual property
laws consistent with TRIPS, it is concerned with processes of
"springboarding" and "stockpiling".
The Australian government has considered proposals for allowing
generic manufacturers, pending the expiration of a patent, to
begin manufacturing for export and to build inventory up to the
date of patent expiration, for sale to both domestic and export
markets.
That is, the PhRMA are seeking to negate a marketing tactic under
the guise of breach of WTO patent rules. Their further claim is
that this approach does not make economic sense as it would undermine
Australian investment in innovative life sciences and would send
a negative message about Australia's commitment to innovative
life sciences and the future success of the FTA negotiations.
This is simply an implied threat-and not too subtle at that!
The PhRMA
goes on to describe certain market access barriers that effectively
diminish intellectual property rights. These claims are tenuous
at best, but appear to be supported by the US government in various
trade negotiations.
The complaint
lists the following "barriers".
* Restrictive
listings on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS)-the focus
on cost effectiveness somehow devalues quality of life benefits
(faster recovery times, return to work and function, reduction
in patient out-of-pocket costs). It is considered that the Pharmaceutical
Benefits Advisory Committee (PBAC) somehow does not seem to take
these factors to sufficient account when determining whether a
drug should be listed.
Surely a drug should stand on its own merits?
* Reference
Pricing on the PBS-this is the section where proposed products
are compared to existing chemical analogues of the proposed drug
class, or the product most likely to be substituted.
Premiums are available if clear clinical advantages can be demonstrated.
Again the claim is made that this practice seriously erodes intellectual
property protection, devalues innovation and discourages investments
in new medical discoveries.
What seems to be missed in all this argument is that the PBS contracts
drugs on behalf of taxpayers who wish to be part of the Australian
government's health scheme.
Drugs are not prohibited from being sold through the private prescription
market, but this would pose a difficulty because of high manufacturer
prices.
This difficulty is easily overcome by the manufacturer selling
at a realistic price.
The argument is really one of price and marketing, and has nothing
to do with intellectual property.
The PBS has built up an effective negotiating process for the
supply of drugs to Australians, for those manufacturers who wish
to participate.
If they are unable to fit into this system, they are free to go
elsewhere and Australians must then collectively wear the associated
losses.
The fact that the majority of drugs submitted in recent years
have been "me too" drugs (which do not demonstrate much
in the way of research or innovation), seems to have been lost
by the PhRMA.
* Relisting
of existing drugs on the PBS- pharmacoeconomic cost effectiveness
criteria has to be presented to justify a relisting of a product
on the PBS.
It is claimed by the PhRMA that the definition of economic benefit
is very restrictive and devalues quality of life considerations.
Why should a manufacturer continue to receive a high price if
he is not competitive?
The PhRMA
concludes that all the above measures lead to a defacto reduction
in the effective patent life of products. However, while individual
members report that the above so-called "barriers" have
had a significant commercial impact, it is too difficult to estimate
with "precision" and therefore the PhRMA does not yet
have an estimate.
What they are saying is that they are losing business, but
they don't know how much or what dollar value that represents.
Why then, did the US government accept the above arguments in
the first place when they could not even be quantified?
Perhaps a precise documented estimate may have opened a bigger
"can of worms", which may then have provoked the question
as to why global drug manufacturers charge such high prices that
cannot be really justified anywhere on this planet.
The implication
for Australians as a whole is that our economy can be manipulated
by narrow focussed global drug manufacturer interests. If they
are successful, then it is obvious that pharmacists, along with
taxpayer patients, will be forced to work with a system that is
costly and substandard.
Bullying by the US government, and its informant, the PhRMA will
not work.
As an Australian, I would rather go without the latest "gee-whiz"
product if it were to impact adversely on the Australian way of
life, because I am not too impressed with images of the American
way of life.
Part of the FTA agreement being negotiated also includes content
of Australian produced film and television programs, and by this
process, the US will want to inflict more images of American culture
and way of life.
Globalisation is simply not just for the benefit of the US, and
they need to back off now if they wish to retain Australian loyalty
and support, as evidenced by the recent war in Iraq and its aftermath.
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